Francis Bacon and the practices of measurement.

The instrumental character of Francis Bacon's natural and experimental histories was often noted, but never fully investigated. In this paper I aim to reconstruct the theoretical and methodological background which supports this feature. I claim that we can read large parts of the second book of Bacon's Novum organum as a guide to laboratory practices; and that it was read in this manner by some of Bacon's seventeenth century followers. Key to this guide is Bacon's theory of prerogative instances which, in turn, provides the grounding for a whole theory of instruments of detection and instruments of measurement. I show, in particular, how Bacon suggested that such instruments can be used for 'charting' virtues and powers; a process in which instruments of detection can be transformed into instruments of measurement. I also show that Bacon's views on instruments entail an elaborated conception of measurement which departs from the ethos of artisanal perfection. Instead of pursuing the 'best results', Bacon's instrumental natural and experimental histories aim to offer a large enough corpus of correlations, estimates and calculations which, taken together, can represent more or less accurately changes and variations of natural virtues and powers.

A Tale of Enduring Myths: Buffon's Theory of Animal Degeneration and the Regeneration of Domesticated Animals in Mid-19th Century Brazil.

The long 19th century was a period of many developments and technical innovations in agriculture and animal biology, during which actors sought to incorporate new practices in light of new information. By the middle of the century, however, while heredity steadily became the dominant concept in animal husbandry, some policies related to livestock improvement in Brazil seemed to have been tailored following a climate-deterministic concept established in the mid-18th century by the French naturalist Georges-Louis Leclerc, the Comte de Buffon. His theory of animal degeneration posited, among other things, the necessity of recurrent crossbreeding to preserve animal species living in nonnative environments from climate-induced degeneration. Although largely discredited by the early 19th century, the teachings of the French naturalist seem to have found supporters in a Brazilian program to modernize national agriculture through the application of the natural sciences. Herein I examine the revival of Buffon's theories in that government-sponsored program to improve animal husbandry and breeding techniques, including actual applications of this theory in the real world. Ultimately, I argue that Buffon's theory of degeneration was used to tailor public policies and funding for the improvement of domesticated animals in Brazil between 1856 and 1860.

Female naturalists and the patterns of suppression of women scientists in history: the example of Maria Sibylla Merian and her contributions about useful plants.

BACKGROUND: This work reunites many women naturalists who registered knowledge about native flora in scientific expeditions around the globe between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries. Since male naturalists are more recognized in this period of time, we aimed to list female naturalists that published plant descriptions and observations, focusing on the work of Maria Sibylla Merian and to analyze her trajectory as an example to discuss the patterns of the suppression of women scientists. A second aim was to inventory the useful plants described in Maria Sibylla's Metamorphosis Insectorum Surinamensium and find pharmacological evidence about the traditional uses described for those plants cited as medicinal and toxic. METHODS: A survey of female naturalists was carried out by searching information in Pubmed, Scielo, Google Scholar and Virtual Health Library. Once Maria Sibylla published her book Metamorphosis Insectorum Surinamensium by her own, without male co-authors, and also this book is one of the only to have text and illustrations altogether and there are reports indicating information on useful plants in this work, she and her book were chosen as subject of this research. All the information was tabulated by dividing the plants into food, medicinal, toxic, aromatic or other uses. Finally, with the combinations of the scientific name of medicinal and toxic plants with information about their popular uses, a search was carried out in databases in order to indicate current pharmacological studies that reported evidences about the traditional uses described. RESULTS: We found 28 women naturalists who participated in scientific expeditions or trips, or in a curiosity cabinet, or who were collectors of Natural History between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries. All these women illustrated botanical species and/or recorded their everyday or medicinal use or reported their observations in the form of a published work, letters or diaries. Also, the trajectory of Maria Sibylla Merian revealed that her scientific relevance has been neglected from the eighteenth century by mechanisms of suppression, most of the time by male depreciation, which can be seen as a pattern for suppression of women in science. However, Maria Sibyllas' contributions have been valued again in the twenty-first century. In Maria Sibylla's work, 54 plants were identified, 26 of them used for food, 4 of them aromatic, 8 medicinal, 4 toxic and 9 other uses. CONCLUSION: This study evidences that there are female naturalists whose work could be an important source for ethnopharmacological studies. Researching about women scientists, talking about them and highlighting the gender bias present in the scientific academy about the way the history of science is told is essential for the construction of a more diverse and richer scientific academy. The traditional use of 7 of 8 medicinal plants and 3 of 4 toxic plants reported was correlated with pharmacological studies, highlighting the importance of this historical record and its potential to direct strategic research in traditional medicine.

The Station Marine d'Endoume, Marseille: 150 years of natural history.

When marine natural sciences began to be the concern of most European scientists, in the middle of the 19th century, Marseille, in southern France, was no exception. The creation, ca. 150 years ago, of the first Zoology Laboratory of the Faculty of Sciences of Marseille took place in 1868. Under the leadership of Antoine-Fortuné Marion, it soon led to the creation of the Station Marine d'Endoume (SME) in 1889. Marion's pioneering work survived both world wars and was then taken to another dimension by Jean-Marie Pérès, head of the marine station from 1948 to 1983. This institution is still alive to date. We here inventoried all the taxa described by SME scientists (1870 to 2021) and arranged them in a public database. Three main periods of activity at the SME are described, as well as the focus made through time to different groups of taxa, selected ecosystems, or biogeographic areas. Through many examples, it was possible to document how these naturalistic, taxonomic descriptions contributed to a broader scientific knowledge within this period. Finally, we discussed trends in taxonomic and naturalistic research, based on the SME experience.

The hand of the connoisseur: Gems and hardness in Enlightenment mineralogy.

Historians of natural history have shown that the study of plants, animals, and minerals was a form of connoisseurship in the eighteenth century. Historians of early modern experiments have linked scientific knowledge to the manual skills of artisans. I combine these two insights, arguing that connoisseurship in the sciences meant learning to touch, not just learning to look. The focus is on gems and mineralogy in eighteenth-century France. I show, firstly, that the study of gems was linked to the connoisseurship ("connoissance") of paintings. Next, books on gems were closely related to the new mineralogical treatises that emerged in the middle of the eighteenth century. These treatises formalized a distinction between "Oriental" and "Occidental" gems that was also a distinction between hard and soft gems. The best judges of hardness were gem cutters, a group that participated in mineralogy through the culture of collecting. Finally, the knowledge of cutters contributed to the quantification of hardness in the form of the hardness scale and the scratch sclerometer.

The distinguished surgeon Francisco Antônio de Sampaio and the plants of "his country" (vila de Cachoeira, Brazil, late eighteenth century). / O cirurgião ilustrado Francisco Antônio de Sampaio e as plantas de "seu país" (vila de Cachoeira, BA ­ fins do século XVIII).

Francisco Antônio de Sampaio worked as a surgeon for over two decades in Cachoeira, in the captaincy of Bahia, Brazil. In this village, he produced writings on natural history, which he sent to the Lisbon Academy of Science, although he had no specific training in this area. This article analyzes his scientific output and healing practices, especially the uses and descriptions of local plants and his relationships with different agents, such as the "local commoners" and the naturalist and magistrate Joaquim de Amorim e Castro. His production of knowledge is interpreted here both from the perspective of the construction of scientific authority and through his interactions with local and metropolitan agents.

Francisco Antônio de Sampaio atuou como cirurgião por mais de duas décadas em Cachoeira (BA). Nessa vila, produziu e enviou à Academia das Ciências de Lisboa escritos de história natural, embora não tivesse formação específica para esses estudos. Neste artigo analisamos sua produção científica e suas práticas de cura, em particular os usos e descrições das plantas locais e sua relação com diferentes agentes, a exemplo das pessoas do "vulgo local" e do naturalista e juiz de fora Amorim e Castro. Buscamos interpretar sua produção de conhecimento, tanto do ponto de vista da construção de autoridade científica quanto de sua interação com os agentes locais e metropolitanos.

The transit of plants: circulation of medical knowledge and practices in South America during the Modern Era. / O trânsito de plantas: circulação de saberes e práticas médicas na América Meridional durante a Época Moderna.

From records on plants and herbs made by doctors, healers, missionaries, and colonial administrators in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, this article explores ways of constructing knowledge about flora using the concept of circulation proposed by Kapil Raj. The distinct experiences and documents analyzed demonstrate the process of observing, collecting, systematizing, and circulating knowledge, and the influence of natural history and the Hippocratic tradition on the classification of herbs and plants and on the descriptions adopted in these texts. From printed books to notes scattered through travel diaries, usefulness of these species to humankind was the element valued by those who directly observed the potential of American plants, fruits, and herbs.

A partir dos registros sobre plantas e ervas de médicos, agentes de cura, missionários, administradores coloniais nos séculos XVII e XVIII, o artigo explora as formas de construção do conhecimento sobre a flora, utilizando o conceito de circulação proposto por Kapil Raj. As experiências distintas e os documentos analisados demonstram o processo de observação, coleta, sistematização e circulação do conhecimento e a influência da história natural e da tradição hipocrática na classificação das ervas e plantas e na descrição adotada nos textos reunidos neste artigo. Desde livros impressos até anotações dispersas em diários de viagens, os usos das espécies para a vida humana foi o elemento valorizado por aqueles que observaram diretamente o potencial de plantas, frutos e ervas americanas.

Duplicates under the hammer: natural-history auctions in Berlin's early nineteenth-century collection landscape.

The nineteenth-century museum and auction house are seemingly distinct spaces with opposing functions: while the former represents a contemplative space that accumulates objects of art and science, the latter provides a forum for lively sales events that disperse wares to the highest bidders. This contribution blurs the border between museums and marketplaces by studying the Berlin Zoological Museum's duplicate specimen auctions between 1818 and the 1840s. It attends to the operations and tools involved in commodifying specimens as duplicates, particularly the auction catalogue. The paper furthermore contextualizes the museum's sales in a broader history of duplicate auctions across Berlin's collection landscape.

"I would sooner die than give up": Huxley and Darwin's deep disagreement.

Thomas Henry Huxley and Charles Darwin discovered in 1857 that they had a fundamental disagreement about biological classification. Darwin believed that the natural system should express genealogy while Huxley insisted that classification must stand on its own basis, independent of evolution. Darwin used human races as a model for his view. This private and long-forgotten dispute exposes important divisions within Victorian biology. Huxley, trained in physiology and anatomy, was a professional biologist while Darwin was a gentleman naturalist. Huxley agreed with John Stuart Mill's rejection of William Whewell's sympathy for Linnaeus. The naturalists William Sharp Macleay, Hugh Strickland, and George Waterhouse worked to distinguish two kinds of relationship, affinity and analogy. Darwin believed that his theory could explain the difference. Richard Owen introduced the distinction between homology and analogy to anatomists, but the word homology did not enter Darwin's vocabulary until 1848, when he used the morphological concept of archetype in his work on Cirripedia. Huxley dropped the word archetype when Richard Owen linked it to Plato's ideal forms, replacing it with common plan. When Darwin wrote in the Origin of Species that the word plan gives no explanation, he may have had Huxley in mind. Darwin's preposterous story in the Origin about a bear giving birth to a kangaroo, which he dropped in the second edition, was in fact aimed at Huxley.

Darwin's perception of nature and the question of disenchantment: a semantic analysis across the six editions of On the Origin of Species.

This body of work is motivated by an apparent contradiction between, on the one hand, Darwin's testimony in his autobiographical text about a supposed perceptual colour blindness before the aesthetic magnificence of natural landscapes, and, on the other hand, the last paragraph of On the Origin of Species, where he claims to perceive the forms of nature as beautiful and wonderful. My aim is to delve into the essence of the Darwinian perception of beauty in the context of the Weberian concept of "disenchantment of the world", assumed as a possible conceptual axis that enables the unravelling of the core of this contrast of perceptions. In acknowledging the theory of evolution as one of the most prominent scientific theories likely to have contributed to disenchantment, a number of questions arise: Is disenchantment compatible with aesthetic experience and sensibility before natural beauty? Was it Darwin's disenchanted conception of the world that led him to believe he was colour blind? To answer these questions, a computer-assisted semantic analysis of lexical frequency and variability, most especially focused on aesthetic-emotional and religious or spiritual adverbs and adjectives, has been undertaken across the six editions of The Origin. The semantic analysis demonstrates that, although disenchanted, Darwin's descriptions of, mainly, the adaptational excellence of living beings, reflect an aesthetically enriched perception of nature. It is concluded that Darwin's perceptual colour blindness, then, might be based on a confusion rooted in the equation of equality between aesthetic sensibility in nature and the perception of its beauty as part of the vestigia Dei.

From settlements to the botanical garden: the appropriation of plants used by indigenous peoples in the captaincy of Guayases, 1772-1806. / Dos aldeamentos ao horto botânico: a apropriação de plantas de uso indígena na capitania de Guayases, 1772-1806.

The article intends to contribute to the history of science, indigenous history and the history of Portuguese America. We begin with the methodological assumptions of Dominique Pestre and the historiography on Portuguese America to investigate a network of indigenous settlements, the work of civil servants with naturalist knowledge, the shipment of botanical species for analysis in Portugal and, finally, the foundation of a botanical garden in the captaincy of Guayases (Goiás) from 1772 to 1806. We describe the indigenous contribution to the construction of natural history knowledge, and discuss the influence of Enlightenment concepts on the reform of the Portuguese colonial system in the captaincy based on Portuguese administrative documentation, letters and study of the application of laws and instructions.

O artigo pretende contribuir com a história das ciências, a história indígena e a história da América portuguesa. Parte-se dos pressupostos metodológicos de Dominique Pestre e da historiografia sobre a América portuguesa para interrogar a existência de uma rede de aldeamentos indígenas, a atuação de funcionários com saberes naturalistas, o envio de espécies botânicas para análise em Portugal e, por fim, a fundação de um horto botânico na capitania de Guayases (Goiás) entre 1772 e 1806. Apresenta-se a contribuição indígena na construção dos conhecimentos da história natural e discutem-se as influências de concepções da Ilustração na reforma do sistema colonial português na capitania a partir de documentação administrativa portuguesa, cartas e do estudo da aplicação de leis e instruções.

Dos aldeamentos ao horto botânico: a apropriação de plantas de uso indígena na capitania de Guayases, 1772-1806 / From settlements to the botanical garden: the appropriation of plants used by indigenous peoples in the captaincy of Guayases, 1772-1806

Resumo O artigo pretende contribuir com a história das ciências, a história indígena e a história da América portuguesa. Parte-se dos pressupostos metodológicos de Dominique Pestre e da historiografia sobre a América portuguesa para interrogar a existência de uma rede de aldeamentos indígenas, a atuação de funcionários com saberes naturalistas, o envio de espécies botânicas para análise em Portugal e, por fim, a fundação de um horto botânico na capitania de Guayases (Goiás) entre 1772 e 1806. Apresenta-se a contribuição indígena na construção dos conhecimentos da história natural e discutem-se as influências de concepções da Ilustração na reforma do sistema colonial português na capitania a partir de documentação administrativa portuguesa, cartas e do estudo da aplicação de leis e instruções.

Abstract The article intends to contribute to the history of science, indigenous history and the history of Portuguese America. We begin with the methodological assumptions of Dominique Pestre and the historiography on Portuguese America to investigate a network of indigenous settlements, the work of civil servants with naturalist knowledge, the shipment of botanical species for analysis in Portugal and, finally, the foundation of a botanical garden in the captaincy of Guayases (Goiás) from 1772 to 1806. We describe the indigenous contribution to the construction of natural history knowledge, and discuss the influence of Enlightenment concepts on the reform of the Portuguese colonial system in the captaincy based on Portuguese administrative documentation, letters and study of the application of laws and instructions.

The legacy of the fieldwork of E. W. Nelson and E. A. Goldman in Mexico (1892-1906) for research on poorly known mammals.

More than a century ago, Edward W. Nelson and Edward A. Goldman spent 14 years (1892-1906) traveling across much of Mexico in one of the most critical biological expeditions ever undertaken by two naturalists. This long-term survey was a cornerstone in Mexican mammalogy development; however, their specific role in discovering taxa that were practically unknown before the expedition is not yet necessarily recognized. In a time when the historical aspect of knowledge on mammals is being ignored for the new generations of mammalogists, a detailed analysis of the legacy of the survey is essential. Here I focus on shrews (Eulipotyphla, Soricidae) to analyze how the fieldwork and the specimens they collected have contributed to the current knowledge of shrews in the country. Nelson and Goldman collected 474 specimens of shrews, representing 31 of the 40 species that have currently been recognized. This collection has been key to building taxonomic, evolutionary, and biogeographic knowledge of shrews in the country. The success of the expedition was primarily due to the epistemic role of novel methods and approaches in natural history research at the time. The collection also offers the opportunity to document the loss of species and ecological interactions as indirect consequences of human activities, especially in montane regions. I argue that the value of this expedition can still increase with the use of modern biodiversity study tools and the digitization and access of ancient material such as photographs, field notes, and correspondence.

Traces on a Muddy Shore. Science and religion in Colonial and Early Independent Río de la Plata.

This paper is intended as a contribution to the study of science and religion in late modern Catholic societies. I explore the treatment of natural philosophy vis-à-vis religious (Roman Catholic) authority, the teaching of Biblical geology, and the use of natural theology in texts from Río de la Plata in the transition from late colonial to early independent times (1770-1815). After reviewing the assimilation of modern science into scholastic teaching and the articulation of reason and religious authority, the article considers the handling of the early history of the Earth in the theses of scholastic teachers and in the geological memoirs of the naturalist priest from Montevideo Dámaso Larrañaga. The core of the paper is devoted to the treatment of natural theology in Larrañaga's Diary of Natural History and in the speeches and documents of enlightened crown bureaucrats. The conclusion is reached that the harmonious character of the relationships between science and religion in this period and location harboured tensions (such as the blurred frontier between natural theology and natural religion) which could be accounted for in terms of the inherent inconsistencies in the programme of Catholic Enlightenment.

Francis Bacon, José de Acosta, and Traditions of Natural Histories of Winds.

It is well attested that Francis Bacon considered his History of Winds to be an exemplar, but what lessons should be taken from its example have been subject to debate. Instead of looking at this work as a mere model for the fusion of natural history and natural philosophy, it is also possible to see Bacon as trying to provide tentative solutions to outstanding questions regarding the wind, a topic that was deeply scrutinized during the early modern period. An examination of Bacon's provisional concluding rules reveals deep correspondences with earlier works, such as José de Acosta's Natural and Moral History of the Indies, that revised classical understandings of the wind based on experience, experiments, and accounts of travels beyond Europe. Understanding the History of Winds as a genuine attempt to solve outstanding questions about the wind uncovers its debt to earlier traditions, including those related to Renaissance natural history, and shows it's influence in relation to specific theories of the wind beyond its call for methodological reform.

The making of John Tyndall's Darwinian Revolution.

One of the most influential imagined histories of science of the nineteenth century was John Tyndall's Belfast Address of 1874. In that address, Tyndall presented a sweeping history of science that focused on the attempt to understand the material nature of life. While the address has garnered attention for its discussion of the conflict at the centre of this history, namely between science and theology, less has been said about how Tyndall's history culminated with a discussion of the evolutionary researches of Charles Darwin. Tyndall presented Darwin as a revolutionary scientific practitioner, whose virtues of patience, self-denial, and observation led him to his epochal theory of evolution and thus justified the extension of science into realms previously under the purview of theology. Tyndall was criticized at the time for his 'vulgar admiration' of a man of science who was still very much alive, and who could not possibly live up to such 'fulsome adulation'. What such critics failed to realize, however, is that Tyndall had historicized the living Darwin within the context of his own philosophy of history that he cultivated years before, a philosophy that integrated the moral lives of heroic individuals within a progressive history of science itself.

Theoretical virtues in eighteenth-century debates on animal cognition.

Within eighteenth-century debates on animal cognition we can distinguish at least three main theoretical positions: (i) Buffon's mechanism, (ii) Reimarus' theory of instincts, and (iii) the sensationalism of Condillac and Leroy. In this paper, I adopt a philosophical perspective on this debate and argue that in order to fully understand the justification Buffon, Reimarus, Condillac, and Leroy gave for their respective theories, we must pay special attention to the theoretical virtues these naturalists alluded to while justifying their position. These theoretical virtues have received little to no attention in the literature on eighteenth-century animal cognition, but figure prominently in the justification of the mechanist, instinctive, and sensationalist theories of animal behavior. Through my philosophical study of the role of theoretical virtues in eighteenth-century debates on animal cognition, we obtain a deeper understanding of how theoretical virtues were conceptualized in eighteenth-century science and how they influenced the justification of theories of animal cognition.